The waffle paradox

WaffleOne way for a candidate to change the conversation around her candidacy: have her followers pelt the opposition with waffles at every public appearance. Eggos in particular are lightweight and their shape makes them easy to toss.

Particularly in primaries, simplicity and certainty are rewarded. The waffling candidate, the one who hesitates to give a clear yes or no answer to every question is seen as weak.

(Worth noting that the word “waffling” didn’t start appearing in books much until after the 1960 elections).

Of course, this post isn’t about politics at all. Customers and employees and vendors and regulators almost always prefer simplicity and certainty.

There are two ways to begin an answer to most questions we face in organizations:

“It’s simple” and

“It’s complicated.”

Both are usually true. At 10,000 feet, most challenges are simple. But actually making something work is quite complicated.

Nuance is the sign of an intelligent observer. Nuance shows restaint and maturity and an understanding of the underlying mechanics of whatever problem we’re wrestling with. After all, if the solution was simple, we would have solved it already.

On the other hand, resorting to nuance early and often can also be a sign of fear, of an unwillingness to go out on a limb and make a difference. Hence the reactions of boards hiring consultants and CEOs, or of passionate primary voters. “Don’t tell me it’s complicated. Just show me the guts to make something happen.”

My vote: your goals and your strategy must be simple. You must have passion and certainty in order to make a difference as a leader. Your tactics, on the other hand, should be layered, multi-dimensional and reflect the patience of someone who cares about reaching a goal.

When Howard Schultz talks about coffee or Jill Greenberg talks about lighting or Cory Booker talks about education, they can impatiently demand clear and simple results. At the same time, successful leaders see the nuance they’ll need in executing to get there.

The paradox is that the simplicity we often seek in search of solutions rarely leads to the patient leadership we need to get them.

The irony is not lost on me… the decision on when to be bold is a nuanced one.

by Seth Godin
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(What you get) – (What you were hoping for)

This might be the simplest possible explanation of customer satisfaction.

Dissatisfaction occurs when salespeople and marketers tend to try to amplify the first part (what you’re promised) while neglecting the second.

The ability to delight and surprise is at the core of every beloved brand (product, politician, teenager…). Overhype and shady promises will undercut that before it even has a chance to get started. Yes, of course you have to make promises to earn attention and trial. The mistake is when you put more effort into the promises and less into what you deliver. Promise a lot but deliver even more.

[One really important amplification: Research shows us that what people remember is far more important than what they experience. What's remembered:

--the peak of the experience (bad or good) and,

--the last part of the experience.

The easiest way to amplify customer satisfaction, then, is to underpromise, then increase the positive peak and make sure it happens near the end of the experience you provide. Easy to say, but rarely done.]

by Seth Godin
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Infographic: Silverpop by the Numbers—2011

infographic-silverpop-by-the-numbers%e2%80%942011

How do you reach customers and prospects with the right message, at the right time, and via the right channel? Silverpop spent 2011 helping marketers answer the question that’s on every savvy marketers’ mind, hosting super-cool events like our Agent R.O.I. digital marketing tour, providing industry-leading thought capital and offering up our unique mix of marketing automation, email and social media tools. In celebration of another big year at Silverpop, here’s a numerical look at how we’ve been helping marketers reach their goals and the exciting ways our customers are using Silverpop:

Silverpop by the Numbers

If you’re interested in turning your email programs into marketing automation and social media results, send me an email or contact us.

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GOP Throwdown: How Do the Candidates Stack Up on Email Marketing Practices?

gop-throwdown-how-do-the-candidates-stack-up-on-email-marketing-practices

Watching the Republican candidates for the U.S. presidential nomination has made me wonder how they’re deploying email in their campaigns.

Are they using email for fund-raising, for organizing local events or as a press-release platform? Do they use generally accepted email marketing best practices, cross the line like so many PAC-funded TV commercials or simply miss the boat?

To find out, I signed up in early January to receive email from all the declared candidates and will track their email efforts until the nomination. I’ve been busy grabbing screenshots of splash pages, sign-up forms, campaign emails and other email features as well as tracking opt-in procedures and analyzing content. (See my Slideshare presentation below critiquing the candidates’ sign-in processes.)

Although the field has thinned since I began my research (Michele Bachmann, Jon Huntsman and Rick Perry have dropped out, with Rick Santorum, Newt Gingrich, Mitt Romney and Ron Paul campaigning now before the Florida primary), I’ve already amassed plenty of data.

What have I found so far? Here are a couple of highlights from the opt-in process:

  • Four candidates—Newt Gingrich, Mitt Romney, Rick Perry and Rick Santorum (splash page no longer used)—feature splash pages before moving to the regular home page. All except for Rick Perry’s highlight email sign-up. Two—Huntsman and Romney—give visitors the option to provide an email address and zip code.
  • All the candidates collect email addresses on their home pages, with six of the seven using a simple email address field (and zip code field in some cases) in the upper-right corner of the home page. Four also included an additional sign-up promotion.

  • The Perry campaign’s opt-in form was the least prominent, with its location in a sidebar on the bottom third of the homepage. As it happened, the Perry campaign was the only one that sent no emails before the candidate dropped out of the race.
  • The zip code is a logical data point to collect because it allows a campaign to segment and target mailings for appearances and local organizing. Four of the seven candidates asked for zip codes along with email addresses at opt-in, but only Romney and Ron Paul required it to process the subscription.
  • Two of the candidates—Santorum and Bachmann—offered social sign-in via Facebook, with the network icon appearing top right on the homepage under the email opt-in field.
  • Bachmann was also the only candidate who launched a preference center at opt-in. Most of the candidates’ sites collected detailed financial information for donations, but Bachmann’s opt-in process leads subscribers into an expansive form, collecting detailed contact and interest information.
  • Two of the seven candidates used a double opt-in process when collecting email addresses. This is slightly less than one-third of the candidate population. While obviously not a reliable sample size, it’s still considerably higher than marketers in general.
  • Surprisingly, only one candidate sent a welcome message after the opt-in: Michele Bachmann, who dropped out of the race just before I began this project.
  • Change happens quickly during the campaign. When checking back regularly I’ve found that several candidates have revised confirmation pages, dropped splash pages and made other tweaks.

For future blog posts, I’ll examine a variety of email program aspects in greater detail, including:

  • “From” names and subject lines
  • Message content
  • Design, layout and administrative footers
  • Cadence
  • Preference centers and opt-out process

In the meantime, here are two teasers of upcoming analysis:

  • So far, Rick Santorum is the most active emailer, with 13 email messages sent between Jan. 10 and Jan. 14.
  • Many of the candidates use a variety of sender (“From”) names such as the candidate’s own name, a campaign manager (Matt Krull for Gingrich or Mike Biundo for Santorum) or a big-name supporter (ex-Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Ridge for Huntsman). Perhaps the most intriguing “From” name so far? “The Jon2012Girls” for the Huntsman campaign.

Is there anything specific you’d like me to look at in the candidates’ emails or their email strategies? Please post your questions and comments in the comments area below.

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Tucows launches Ting, a contract-free mobile service on Sprint’s network

Tucows launches Ting, a contract-free mobile service on Sprint's network

Harken back to the days of Windows 95, and you may remember downloading a few shareware titles to your Compaq or Packard Bell courtesy of Tucows and its network of mirror sites. While the company is no longer of much relevance in the software arena, it’s recently launched a mobile service called Ting that operates on Sprint’s network, and like many of its competitors (think Boost Mobile and Virgin Mobile), no contract is needed. That’s not to suggest everything is the same, however, as unlike other carriers, Ting offers to reimburse you for your unused voice, text and data allotments — think of it as rollover to your wallet. Curious to know more? We’ve laid out and explained the full spread of Ting’s phones and plans after the break.

Continue reading Tucows launches Ting, a contract-free mobile service on Sprint’s network

Tucows launches Ting, a contract-free mobile service on Sprint’s network originally appeared on Engadget on Thu, 02 Feb 2012 23:58:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds.

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New LED flash controller promises to give floodlight brightness at cell phone size

Still looking forward to a world where cell phone cameras don’t suck? So is STMicroelectronics, and it hopes to hurry along a photogenic future with the help of a new supercapacitor-powered integrated camera flash. STCF04, the outfit’s new integrated camera flash and torch controller, gives its LED flash module over 40 Watts of power, reportedly allowing it to give off the same level of brightness as an outdoor security floodlight — handily blinding your friends and family with each merry burst of the bulb. STMicroelectronics says this luminescent overkill helps high-megapixel camera sensors absorb more light, cutting down on the need for longer exposure time and hopefully resulting in less image blur when shooting indoors. The sensor packs in eight user-selectable flash levels, and features up to 12 levels of brightness for torch (you know, flashlight) use. Phone or camera manufactures who want in on the action will be able to order the chip for $2 a pop later this year — if they’re willing to risk giving Mr. Blurrycam a break, that is. Hit the break for a flash of the chip’s official press release.

Continue reading New LED flash controller promises to give floodlight brightness at cell phone size

New LED flash controller promises to give floodlight brightness at cell phone size originally appeared on Engadget on Thu, 02 Feb 2012 23:18:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds.

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More Florida Fouls

Newt Gingrich falsely claimed he never favored a federal mandate requiring individuals to have health insurance. Rick Santorum claimed five times more people are seeking free care at Massachusetts hospitals because of Mitt Romney’s health care law — a claim contradicted by official statistics.

Romney repeated a false accusation that President Obama failed to denounce Hamas rocket attacks in a speech to the United Nations. And Santorum insisted that Muslim terrorists are seeking missile bases in Cuba — a wild claim based most likely on mistranslations of an Italian newspaper report.

These were among the factual fouls that we noted as four GOP presidential candidates met for yet another debate. This one, the final debate prior to Florida’s Jan. 31 primary, took place Jan. 26 at the University of North Florida in Jacksonville, Fla., and was carried live on CNN.

Gingrich Rewrites His Mandate History

Former House Speaker Gingrich claimed he had never favored a federal mandate requiring individuals to obtain health insurance — only a state requirement.

Gingrich: I didn’t advocate federal mandates. I talked about it at a state level …

Not true. Gingrich said “Congress” must require high-income persons to have insurance, not state legislatures. He did so explicitly in a 2007 opinion piece:

Gingrich, June 25, 2007: In order to make coverage more accessible, Congress must do more, including passing legislation to [among other things] require anyone who earns more than $50,000 a year to purchase health insurance or post a bond.

His support for a federal mandate is of long standing. In 1993, on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” he said:

Gingrich, 1993: I am for people, individuals — exactly like automobile insurance — individuals having health insurance and being required to have health insurance. And I am prepared to vote for a voucher system which will give individuals, on a sliding scale, a government subsidy so we insure that everyone as individuals have health insurance.

Gingrich was proposing an individual mandate as an alternative to the Clinton administration’s ill-fated health care plan, which was centered on an employer mandate, requiring businesses to provide insurance for their workers. And he held to a similar position as recently as last May, also on “Meet the Press”:

Gingrich, May 15, 2011: Well, I agree that all of us have a responsibility to pay — help pay for health care. And, and I think that there are ways to do it that make most libertarians relatively happy. I’ve said consistently we ought to have some requirement that you either have health insurance or you post a bond … or in some way you indicate you’re going to be held accountable.

NBC’s David Gregory: But that is the individual mandate, is it not?

Gingrich: It’s a variation on it.

If Gingrich was thinking about a state-only mandate, he never said so at the time. And he clearly said “all of us” would be subject to his “variant” of the mandate just last May. We judge that Gingrich is falsifying his own history on this matter.

Santorum Attacks ‘Romneycare’

Former Pennsylvania Sen. Santorum claimed the Massachusetts health care law had quintupled the number who seek free care at hospitals rather than buying coverage.

Santorum: Free ridership has gone up five-fold in Massachusetts. Five times the rate it was before. Why? Because … Because people are ready to pay a cheaper fine and then be able to sign up to insurance, which are now guaranteed under “Romneycare,” than pay high cost insurance, which is what has happened as a result of “Romneycare.”

Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, said that was “simply impossible” that free riders had gone up, because the percentage of insured residents had increased under the law to 98 percent.

Romney is right. The percentage of insured residents in the state went up from 93.6 percent in 2006, the year the law was enacted, to 98.1 percent in 2010. And data from the state Division of Health Care Finance and Policy show a 46 percent decline in the number of free care medical visits paid for by the state’s Health Care Safety Net. The number of inpatient discharges and outpatient visits under the program went from 2.1 million in 2006 to 1.1 million in 2010 (see page 12).

Contradicting Santorum’s claim, the Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts Foundation said in a November report that usage of the state’s free care, or safety net, “fell dramatically, as expected” after the law took effect.

BSBC Foundation report, Nov. 2011: In fact, the number of HSN patient visits at hospitals and community health centers declined by 36 percent in the first full HSN fiscal year of health reform. Over the past three years, HSN utilization has trended upward but is still below pre-reform levels.

A Santorum campaign spokesman pointed us to a Wall Street Journal column by Michael F. Cannon of the libertarian Cato Institute, who stated that “Massachusetts reported a nearly fivefold increase in such free riding after its mandate took effect.” But that doesn’t square with official data just cited. Cannon didn’t specify the time period and so may have referred to some temporary or transitory bump in free riders. We will update this item if we are able to get more information from Cannon.

Santorum blamed the supposed increase in free riders on persons choosing to pay the penalty instead of buying insurance. But that doesn’t square with official state data either. In 2009, only 48,000 residents paid a penalty — 26,000 of them were uninsured for the entire year, and 22,000 for part of the year, according to state figures. Those aren’t big numbers compared with the usage numbers for the Health Care Safety Net — 1.1 million payments in 2010. The evidence doesn’t suggest that those penalty-payers are driving an increase — let alone a “fivefold” one — in reliance on free care.

Romney’s False Rocket Claim, Again

Romney once again falsely accused Obama of saying “nothing” about the Palestinians launching rockets into Israel during a 2009 speech to the United Nations. In fact, Obama said those who suffer include “the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.”

We called out Romney for this same false claim last year, when he made it at a GOP debate in Orlando, Fla., on Sept. 22.  Here’s the way he worded it this time:

Romney: This president went before the United Nations and castigated Israel for building settlements. He said nothing about thousands of rockets being rained in on Israel from the Gaza Strip.

Romney is referring to President Obama’s first-ever address to the United Nations in September 2009, but his claim is still false. We’ll just repeat what we said last time.

Obama not only said, “We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel,” he made specific reference to suffering caused by rocket attacks:

Obama, Sept. 23, 2009: We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us. It’s not paid by politicians. It’s paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night. It’s paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.

Jihadist Missiles in Cuba

Santorum made a wild claim that Cuba is working to harbor Muslim terrorists seeking to develop missile sites.

Santorum: We’re going to reward a country [Cuba] that is now working with these other countries to harbor and bring in Iran and the terrorist — the Jihadists who want to set up missile sites and to set up training camps.

Santorum’s comment sounds very similar to a claim that Minnesota Rep. Michele Bachmann made back in the fall about Hezbollah working with Cuba, and potentially building missile sites within its borders.

Bachmann, Sept. 26, 2011: There’s reports that have come out that Cuba has been working with another terrorist organization called Hezbollah. And Hezbollah is potentially looking at wanting to be part of missile sites in Iran and, of course, when you’re 90 miles offshore from Florida, you don’t want to entertain the prospect of hosting bases or sites where Hezbollah could have training camps or perhaps have missile sites or weapons sites in Cuba. This would be foolish.

But according to a report on the Hill’s Briefing Room blog, Bachmann was getting her information from an Italian newspaper that did not report that Hezbollah was developing missile sites in Cuba.

The Hill, Sept. 27, 2011: Bachmann was referring to a report in the Italian daily Corriere della Sera, which claimed that Hezbollah was setting up a base in Cuba to target Israelis in Latin America. The article was circulated on some conservative blogs, but did not report that Hezbollah planned to import weapons; rather, the terror operation was said to be oriented around intelligence collection, coordination of the group’s logistics in Latin America and identification forgery.

‘Language of the Ghetto’

Asked about an ad running in Florida that claims Gingrich once said “Spanish is the language of the ghetto,” Romney claimed not to know about the spot, adding, “I doubt that’s my ad.” It is. And that’s not exactly what Gingrich said. He referred to “bilingual” education but not specifically to Spanish.

The Miami Herald reported this week that the Romney campaign released a Spanish-language radio ad in Miami that argues that Ronald Reagan would not have agreed with Gingrich. The Herald translated it as saying, “Reagan would have never offended Hispanics as Gingrich did when he said Spanish is the language of the ghetto.”

The announcer says the ad was “paid for by Romney for President.” And then Romney himself adds at the end, in Spanish, “Soy Mitt Romney. Estoy postulado para presidente y apruebo este mensaje.” Translation: “I’m Mitt Romney. I’m running for president, and I approve this message.”

After a commercial break, CNN debate moderator Wolf Blitzer noted that his staff had checked, and confirmed the ad was Romney’s. Romney then posed a question to Gingrich: “Did you say what the ad says or not?”

Gingrich said the “language of the ghetto” comment was “taken totally out of context.”

“Oh, OK, he said it,” Romney responded.

Not exactly. Gingrich claimed he never specifically used the word “Spanish” in connection with the phrase “language of the ghetto,” and that he was speaking “in general, about all languages.” That’s true. Gingrich never specifically mentioned Spanish at all. In fact, shortly after making his “ghetto” comment, Gingrich criticized the government for printing ballots in 700 languages.

As Romney said, “Let’s take a look at what he said.”

The comment in question comes from a speech Gingrich gave to the National Federation of American Women on March 31, 2007, which C-SPAN has archived in its video library (the part in question begins around the 24-minute mark).

Gingrich, March 31, 2007: [W]e should replace bilingual education with immersion in English so people learn the common language of the country and so they learn the language of prosperity, not the language of living in a ghetto.

That same day, the Associated Press wrote a story — later picked up by the Washington Post – about Gingrich’s comments and quoted Peter Zamora, co-chair of the Washington-based Hispanic Education Coalition, saying, “The tone of his comments were very hateful.”

Several days later, Gingrich posted a video on YouTube, in which he addressed his comments, in Spanish (he explained in the video that he had been taking Spanish lessons “for a while now”). According to the English subtitles provided, Gingrich began:

Gingrich, April 4, 2007: Last weekend I made some comments that I recognize produced a bad feeling within the Latino community. The words I chose to express myself were not the best, and what I wanted to say is this. In the United States it is important to speak English well in order to progress and have success. To achieve this goal, we should replace bilingual education programs with intensive English instruction courses and in this way permit that English be the language that all of us have in common.

This is an expression of support for Latinos, not an attack on their language. I have never believed that Spanish is a language of people of low income nor a language without beauty.

Gingrich’s Dubious Freddie Mac Claim

Gingrich said the consulting contracts between the Gingrich Group and Freddie Mac expressly stated that he would do “no lobbying, none.” His campaign website makes the same claim. But that’s not quite true. The 1999 contract did contain such language, but the 2006 contract did not.

Gingrich, Jan. 26: The contracts we released from Freddie Mac said I would do no consulting, wrote in, no — I mean no lobbying, none.

Gingrich website, Nov. 9, 2011: Speaker Gingrich’s consulting firm, The Gingrich Group, was retained in 2006 by Freddie Mac. To be clear, Speaker Gingrich did no lobbying of any kind, nor did his firm. This was expressly written into the Gingrich Group contracts.

On Jan. 23, the Gingrich Group released a one-year consulting contract for 2006 with Freddie Mac, the government-sponsored mortgage entity. The contract paid the firm $25,000 a month in exchange for “consulting and related services by Freddie Mac’s Director, Public Policy,” Craig Thomas, who is a registered federal lobbyist.

There was no provision “written” into the 2006 contract that Gingrich would do “no lobbying,” as Gingrich said. Lobbying was mentioned only once in the contract: “Consultant will also supply copies of any disclosures or reports it may be required to file by law, such as reports filed under the Lobbying Disclosure Act.”

A day after releasing the contract, the Gingrich Group released a second contract: a 1999 agreement with Freddie Mac that also paid $25,000 a month, plus reimbursement of up to $1,000 per month for expenses. It was this contract — as Gingrich said — that had language clearly stating that Gingrich would do no lobbying for Freddie Mac. It said: “Neither The Gingrich Group nor Newt Gingrich will provide lobbying services of any kind nor participate in lobbying activities on Freddie Mac’s behalf.”

The 1999 contract “was entered into by the Gingrich Group on July 21, 1999 and was a renewable contract, which lasted through 2002,” according to the firm’s press release.

Bottom line: There were two contracts released, and only one contained the language cited by Gingrich and his website. So they are wrong to use the plural form “contracts” when saying that the agreements released to date included a no-lobbying clause.

Santorum: ‘Stolen’ Social Security Numbers?

We have a small quibble with former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum’s choice of words in claiming that most illegal immigrants are working on Social Security numbers that are “probably stolen.”

Santorum: And people who have come to this country illegally have broken the law repeatedly. If you’re here, unless you’re here on a trust fund, you’ve been working illegally. You’ve probably stolen someone’s Social Security number, illegally.

His word choice — describing the numbers as “stolen” — wasn’t exactly on target. But his overall point is backed up by Pew Hispanic Center estimates that most illegal immigrants are working under “fraudulent” Social Security numbers, which could be stolen or just falsified.

The Wall Street Journal reported in 2008 that workers have traditionally used phony names and Social Security numbers to gain employment. But technology has made it increasingly difficult for counterfeit documents to pass muster, resulting in illegal immigrants increasingly acquiring the documents of real people. In 2009, the Supreme Court noted the difference between fake and stolen Social Security numbers, ruling that harsher federal sentences for identity theft cannot be handed down unless an illegal immigrant knowingly uses the number of a real person. Either way, the illegal immigrants are breaking the law, which was Santorum’s point.

– Brooks Jackson, Eugene Kiely, Lori Robertson, Robert Farley, D’Angelo Gore and Ben Finley

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Keeping both sides honest