How Social Proof Translates into Buying Decisions

how-social-proof-translates-into-buying-decisions

I’ve been thinking a lot lately about how and why marketing buyers make decisions. It’s probably an oversimplification to say “because of Facebook or Twitter,” but I think that’s an increasingly critical issue—social proof. I was reminded yet again of how things have changed by a spirited discussion kicked off around a Mark Cuban blog post a couple weeks ago. His primary contention was that start-ups in general —and tech start-ups specifically—shouldn’t waste time and money hiring an outside PR firm. His point is that when you’re small and fast, there’s minimal time and money to waste on getting (and keeping) an external resource up to speed on every aspect of your business. You’re likely better doing it yourself.

I believe the crux of Mark’s argument (which I agree with) is that old-school marketing has been effectively and aggressively disintermediated. In his example, it’s the PR agency. In other examples, it’s digital functions like buying banners (hi AdWords) or building websites (Joomla, Drupal and WordPress are fun). The same is true of building an audience of buyers for your product or service. Gone are the days when you need to be in one of the 30 product categories covered by PC Magazine, and you’d better win the annual roundup to pull units through the retail channel. And your exact position in a quadrant is no longer a guarantee of success—or even survival. The gatekeepers of the past are just that—of the past.

Today, we build market credibility and buyers by reaching out directly to people and companies. Channels like Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, etc. have opened a new dialogue with a much wider audience. And the “informed collective” (as I like to call it) wields an incredible amount of sway over who’s considered when it’s time to buy technology. This has turned many brands of yesterday on their heads such that they simply can’t compete with this new breed of leaner, faster technology company. Look no further than how Salesforce is displacing Siebel in large-scale business. Ten years ago, no single company had a product that could span price points from $35 to $35 million.

So what does this mean for marketers? Clearly, changing the entire marketing approach is not easy stuff. The scale of dealing with 50 publications and 10 analysts to carry your message to market required less effort than having to engage all your social network followers across five to seven disparate networks—all at the same time. And this is the tip-of-the-spear for disintermediation. At this exact point is where scalable technology steps in to save the day.

The marketers best positioned for future success remain grounded in the time-proven tactics, but are quickly integrating a social strategy at the highest levels of their organization. They clearly understand that prospects don’t show up uninformed and ready to buy whatever they’re hawking. Today’s buyers are increasingly more educated on a particular segment’s competitors and products than any normal, human salesperson could ever be.

So how is this achieved? Via professional groups on LinkedIn, at networking events, in Google+ circles—the list is almost infinite. But they all have one thing in common: no brand owns them. You can’t buy a truckload of media and slam your way into consideration or market share. In fact, I’d contend the massive spending habits of the past (think Microsoft’s launch budget for Windows 8) will increasingly be perceived as a sign of social weakness. Super-fans (created through epic brand advocacy or immense peer-driven social draw) do more to convince the world that tools like 37Signals’ Basecamp or Facebook are must-haves in one’s digital life.

The same is true for marketing technology. The rise of Google Analytics opened the eyes of thousands of mid-sized business to the metrics that were possible on the digital platforms. And SaaS-based ecommerce platforms like Storenvy and BigCommerce brought store-building directly to anyone creative or brilliant enough to offer items people want to buy. And yes, these platforms have created social groups who share, enhance and evangelize about the platform they love. And guess what else? The ease-of-use and flexible designs have seen these tools become part of the consideration set for real-deal marketers.

So if you’re a marketer, it’s a double-edged sword. You’ve got to deal with a much wider sphere of interactions, but the super-fans you build will go to the ends of the earth with you. Your marketing technology now requires a different degree of consideration and execution. It simply won’t cut it to add a survey to next month’s newsletter. Step back and think about everything your customer does, and figure out how to elegantly automate behavior-driven messaging in a way that highlights your brand personality. No one wants to buy from a monolith, and you might be surprised by how aggressively your small- to mid-sized company can take customers from your Fortune 500 competitors by being authentically human.

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Top Tips for Preference Centre Success

top-tips-for-preference-centre-success

The start of any good relationship requires listening to, appreciating and acting on the preferences and interests of another person. The start of a successful email marketing relationship isn’t any different.

Preference centres are one of many email marketing topics that draw a wide range of responses from practitioners and pundits alike. Some, like me, find a great deal of value in them, while others feel that while good in theory, they aren’t quite as good in practice.

Here are my thoughts on why preference centres do matter—now more than ever. And below, you’ll find 31 tips for creating a world-class preference centre of your own.

Why build a preference centre? To me, email marketers should employ preference centres to accomplish the following three goals, in order of priority:

  • Give more power and control to subscribers.
  • Drive higher relevance and greater personalisation.
  • Help divert unsubscribes and reduce list churn.

I believe preference centres are particularly essentially today, primarily due to the fact that the variety of channels through which we “touch” our customers and prospects is more diverse than ever. And with that diversity comes a shift in consumers’ desires to have increased control over how they are being marketed to in these channels.

Here are five reasons why preference centres matter now more than ever:

  • With email, social, mobile, your website and more, there are more channels available to your customers than in the past.
  • Increasing engagement and interaction with messages now has the potential to improve delivery and inbox placement. Relevant messages, tuned to the preferences of the recipient, have a higher likelihood of achieving this level of engagement.
  • Consumers expect greater control over their relationship with your brand and the marketing messages they receive.
  • Having a central facility to manage all touch points with the customer helps improve cross-channel marketing efforts and improves the likelihood that you’ll deliver the right message to the right channel.
  • By providing alternatives to unsubscribing such as snoozing or changing mailing frequency, and by providing improved change-of-address facilities, you can reduce overall list churn.

Interested in learning more about the specific tactics that go into building a world-class preference centre? Have a look at this presentation, which highlights 31 tips for doing just that—through the lens of real-world email marketing examples.

Where do you stand on the topic of preference centres? Let me know in the comments below.

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RIM CEO Thorsten Heins clarifies comments on change, rejects Android speculation

Freshly anointed RIM CEO Thorsten Heins sat down with Crackberry this week to discuss his vision for the future of BlackBerry, his thoughts on Android and, most strikingly, his recent comments about maintaining the status quo. Shortly after his appointment, Heins issued a video address in which he implicitly claimed that RIM doesn’t need an overhaul. “If we continue doing well what we’re doing, I see no problems with us being in the top three players worldwide in the next years in wireless,” the exec said. At the time, we and many other observers read this as a sign that the Heins era would look a lot like the Balsillie-Lazaridis era, but according to the new CEO, that’s not the case. “I was talking about drastic or seismic changes,” he clarified. “What I was trying to address was that there was some suggestion that RIM should be split up or should even be sold. My true belief is that RIM has the strength and the assets that we can really succeed in this market.” Heins went on to claim that there’s already “a lot of change” going on at the company — citing the company’s adoption of QNX as a prime example — and that there’s “no standstill at any moment here at RIM.”

During the same sitdown, Heins also reiterated his belief that RIM shouldn’t outsource its software needs to Android, because BlackBerry, in his view, is a hallmark of differentiation. “Just take a look where the Android OEMs are,” Heins said. “Take a look at their recent announcements and what you will immediately see is there is just no room for differentiation because they are all the same.” The exec acknowledged that RIM may be taking the road less traveled, but seemed confident in its ability to rise to the challenge — even if there are some bumps along the way. “This is not baking cookies,” Heins elaborated. “This is building high tech products. From time to time your aspirations and your development timelines hit some bumps in the road that were not foreseen.”

RIM CEO Thorsten Heins clarifies comments on change, rejects Android speculation originally appeared on Engadget on Fri, 27 Jan 2012 08:49:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds.

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Hawaii’s proposed online tracking law comes under fire from ISPs, civil libertarians

There may be some trouble brewing in paradise, thanks to a seemingly draconian law currently under consideration in Hawaii’s state legislature. If passed, H.B. 2288 would require all ISPs within the state to track and store information on their customers, including details on every website they visit, as well as their own names and addresses. The measure, introduced on Friday, also calls for this information to be recorded on each customer’s digital file and stored for a full two years. Perhaps most troubling is the fact that the bill includes virtually no restrictions on how ISPs can use (read: “sell”) this information, nor does it specify whether law enforcement authorities would need a court order to obtain a user’s dossier from an ISP. And, because it applies to any firm that “provides access to the Internet,” the law could conceivably be expanded to include not just service providers, but internet cafes, hotels or other businesses.

Democratic Representative John Mizuno is the lead sponsor of the bill, though his support already seems to be waning. Not long after H.B. 2288 was introduced, Republican Representative Kymberly Pine told CNET that she would be withdrawing her support for it, adding that her intent was not to track Hawaiian web surfing, but to simply protect “victims of crime.” “We do not want to know where everyone goes on the Internet,” Pine explained. “That’s not our interest. We just want the ability for law enforcement to be able to capture the activities of crime.” Pine went on to acknowledge that the proposal has come under fire from many civil libertarians and internet companies within the state, and that the measure will likely be revised. In retrospect, she said, the concept of storing personal information “was a little broad,” and Hawaii’s lawmakers “deserved” the criticism they received during today’s hearing.

Hawaii’s proposed online tracking law comes under fire from ISPs, civil libertarians originally appeared on Engadget on Fri, 27 Jan 2012 08:15:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds.

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Gingrich’s ‘Baloney’-filled Attacks on Romney

Summary

Newt Gingrich is out with two new attacks on Mitt Romney: an ad airing in South Carolina that tries to brand Romney as a “pro-abortion” governor, and a nearly three-minute Web video that gauges Romney statements on a “Baloney-O-Meter.” We found a bit of baloney in both.

  • The ad airing in South Carolina misleadingly says that Romney “expanded access to abortion pills.” The law in question concerned emergency contraception, or “the morning-after pill” (now available over the counter), not the controversial RU-486, known as “the abortion pill.”
  • The ad also says Romney “put Planned Parenthood on a state medical board but failed to put a pro-life group on the same board.” The Web video makes an even more sweeping claim that Romney “gave Planned Parenthood power over Massachusetts healthcare.” But the president of a right-to-life affiliate told us that the board had nothing to do with abortion and was a “minor” issue. “This isn’t something that we would choose to even bring up,” she said.
  • It makes the misleading claim that the Massachusetts health care law called for “taxpayer-funded abortions.” But the law said nothing about abortion. It was the state exchange that later said abortions would be covered by subsidized plans, following state Supreme Court rulings on what is required of Medicaid coverage.
  • Gingrich’s Web video lacks context when it claims that Romney raised taxes and fees “on gun owners and people who are blind.” The fees on the blind never took effect. And Romney did propose increasing firearm fees, but not as high as the fees that the Democratic Legislature later passed.

Analysis

The ad, which began airing in South Carolina on Jan. 10, claims that after Romney switched his position in 2004 from pro-abortion rights to anti-abortion, “he governed pro-abortion.” The Web video, titled “Pious Baloney,” went up on YouTube on Jan. 9 and is part of a new Gingrich campaign site called www.stopromneyspiousbaloney.com.

No ‘Abortion Pills’ Here

The Gingrich ad makes the highly misleading claim that Romney “expanded access to abortion pills.” But the law in question had nothing to do with the “abortion pill,” RU-486, the controversial medication that can induce abortion in women who are up to nine weeks pregnant. Instead, the law concerned access to emergency contraception, known as “the morning-after pill,” which even the National Right to Life Committee makes clear is not “the abortion pill.”

The “morning-after pill” can prevent pregnancy, but won’t affect established pregnancies, if taken within a few days of unprotected sex. It is essentially a high dose of birth control pills. It delays ovulation and can prevent implantation of a fertilized egg in the uterus. It’s true that some abortion opponents say the pill, along other forms of birth control, is an abortifacient, which is a drug that induces abortion. But it is not known as “the abortion pill,” which is a much more controversial topic. The Gingrich ad does not explain what it means by “abortion pills,” misleading viewers into believing that Romney expanded access to RU-486. That’s not the case.

In fact, “the morning-after pill,” or Plan B, is available without a prescription for women 17 and older. It was the Bush administration that first made the pill available over the counter in 2006 for women 18 and older. (The Obama administration recently overruled a Food and Drug Administration recommendation to make the pill available to teenagers without a prescription.)

Anne Fox, president of Massachusetts Citizens for Life, a National Right to Life affiliate, told us the group’s position is that emergency contraception is “a possible abortifacient.” The issue is whether the drug stops ovulation, similar to the birth control bill – and the group takes “no position on something that’s simply contraception” — or if the drug prevents implantation of a fertilized egg, which would make it an abortifacient in Citizens for Life’s view. What the drug actually did would depend on the person taking it. Ms. Fox said that “it’s a stretch” to call the drug an “abortion pill,” but also said that given the type of language used in political ads, Gingrich “could probably get away with it from our point of view.”

To be sure, some abortion opponents have pushed for a so-called “personhood” law declaring that life begins at the moment a human egg is fertilized, which could make the “morning-after” pill illegal, and arguably an “abortion” pill. But an effort to pass such a law by ballot initiative was recently rejected by more than 55 percent of voters in Mississippi. And of course, it wasn’t the law in Massachusetts.

Our view is that the language in the ad misleads voters into thinking Romney expanded access to RU-486, which – there’s no debate about it – induces abortion.

The ad refers to a law that Romney signed in October 2005, calling for the state to ask for a federal Medicaid waiver to expand eligibility for family-planning services for low-income individuals. Those services would include emergency contraception, as well as a range of family-planning services, such as gynecological exams, screenings for breast and cervical cancer, prenatal care, birth control counseling and testing for sexually transmitted diseases. The Boston Globe reported that anti-abortion groups were upset with Romney, especially since he had vetoed a law earlier that year that called for hospitals to offer emergency contraception to rape victims and for pharmacists to provide it without requiring a prescription. The paper quoted just one anti-abortion advocate who headed a 6,000-member group in Chicago and told the Globe: “Birth control is the kissing cousin of abortion.”

It’s worth noting that many states — 21 of them to be exact — already had these family-planning waivers in 2005. The Boston Globe quoted Eric Fehrnstrom, who was then Romney’s communications director, saying that the state “already provides these health services to low-income women, and we have no objection to the Legislature’s directive that we seek a waiver to expand the eligible population to women with a slightly higher income.”

But the waiver never was granted. (The Medicaid.gov site lists all waivers for all states and the “1115 Family Planning” waiver isn’t among Massachusetts’ waivers.) However, the state did get a waiver to expand eligibility for Medicaid overall. The Kaiser Family Foundation reported in 2009 that at least 26 state Medicaid programs covered emergency contraception.

Romney’s Abortion Record

The Gingrich ad also repeats a few old claims: that Romney “put Planned Parenthood on a state medical board but failed to put a pro-life group on the same board. And Romney signed government mandated health care with taxpayer-funded abortions.”

Both of these claims have to do with the Massachusetts health care overhaul. The law says Planned Parenthood in the state is allowed to appoint one person to a 14-member MassHealth Payment Policy Advisory Board, which reviews rates and payments for Medicaid. The law doesn’t call for an anti-abortion group to appoint a member, but the president of one such group told us the anti-abortion community wasn’t concerned about this at all.

Ms. Fox, president of Massachusetts Citizens for Life, said this issue was “minor” and didn’t have anything to do with abortion.

“The committee doesn’t decide anything that has anything to do with abortion. It is just a rate-setting thing,” Ms. Fox told us. “It was not something that right to lifers were concerned about at the time. It was a minor thing. It really is Gingrich trying to make something significant [out of nothing]. This isn’t something that we would choose to even bring up.”

The Gingrich “Baloney-O-Meter” video, which we’ll address below, gives the impression that the board appointment was a much bigger deal than it was, saying that Romney “gave Planned Parenthood power over Massachusetts health care.” But the 14-member board is only charged with reviewing Medicaid rates and making recommendations for rates “that provide fair compensation for MassHealth services and promote high-quality, safe, effective, timely, efficient, culturally competent and patient-centered care.” MassHealth is the state Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program.

Romney didn’t veto this provision of the law, as he did several other sections. That point was made during the 2008 presidential campaign by GOP candidate Fred Thompson. But, according to Anne Fox, the candidates are making much ado about nothing.

As for the claim that “Romney signed government mandated health care with taxpayer-funded abortions,” that, too, is overblown. The state health care law didn’t say anything about abortion. Instead, the state exchange later decided that subsidized insurance plans would include coverage for abortion. And the exchange may have had little choice but to do so. In 1981, the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled that women eligible for Medicaid had a state constitutional right to payments for medically necessary abortions. In 1997, the state high court again ruled that Massachusetts must cover medically necessary abortions if it covers other medically necessary care, such as childbirth.

As we’ve said before, some have argued that Romney could have done more to put limits on abortion coverage in the state health care law. But it’s not true that he signed a law that included “taxpayer-funded abortions.”

The Gingrich Web video says that Romney “used taxpayers funds to pay for abortions.” Again, the law didn’t say anything about abortion. Were taxpayer funds ever actually used to cover abortions for those who gained subsidized coverage under the law? We asked the Gingrich campaign if it had any proof for that claim. So far, we have not received a response. But overall, the law didn’t lead to any increase in abortions in the state. In fact, both the number and rate of abortions have declined since the legislation was passed.

The Guttmacher Institute, whose research on abortion has been cited by both political parties, has compiled statistics that show the number of abortions in the state went from 27,270 in 2005, the year before the law was passed, to 24,900 in 2008, the most recent statistic available. And the rate of abortions per 1,000 women of reproductive age fell from 19.9 in 2005 to 18.3 in 2008. That’s an 8 percent drop, compared with a small rise of 1 percent nationally.

Finally, the ad makes a truthful claim, saying that Romney “appointed a pro-abortion judge.” It cites a 2007 ABCNews.com piece that said Romney had nominated a longtime Democrat to a lifetime position on a district court. The later-confirmed judge, Matthew J. Nestor, once ran for state representative and campaigned as a “pro-choice” candidate. The ABCNews article pointed out that Romney nominated Nestor two months after Romney said he had changed his stance from pro-abortion rights to anti-abortion in November 2004.

ABC reported that Romney aides had said the governor considered a district court appointment to be different from one for appellate court, since the former rules on criminal and civil cases, not constitutional matters. The article also quoted Romney’s deputy campaign manager for his 2008 presidential run as saying: “The two main considerations were experience and having someone who was going to be tough on crime and able to handle the incredibly hectic pace of a busy district court.”

Readers can decide for themselves how much the district court appointment, or the other issues raised in the ad, affect Romney’s anti-abortion credentials, which our fact-checking colleagues at The Washington Post have noted are mixed. He did veto the law requiring the morning-after pill to be dispensed to rape victims at hospitals. His veto was later overridden by the Legislature. Romney then backed a state ruling that private hospitals, including religious hospitals, didn’t have to follow the requirement if they had moral objections. But he later flip-flopped on that position, saying that his legal counsel concluded that all hospitals would have to follow the new law. The Boston Globe also quoted Romney as saying: “My personal view, in my heart of hearts, is that people who are subject to rape should have the option of having emergency contraception or emergency contraception information.”

Romney’s evolving position on embryonic stem cell research angered both anti-abortion groups and those who supported such research. He opposed a state Senate bill to support the creation of embryos for research, but he didn’t object to research on embryos from fertility clinics.

Ms. Fox, with Massachusetts Citizens for Life, says this of Romney’s overall record on abortion: “We and National Right to Life are quite comfortable with the fact that he takes a pro-life position, that he governs with it, and that he will continue to have it.”

Introducing the Baloney-O-Meter

The Gingrich campaign created a website, www.stopromneyspiousbaloney.com, that plays off Gingrich’s recent “Meet the Press” debate jab at Romney, “Can we drop a little bit of the pious baloney?” The quip came in response to Romney’s claim that “for me, politics, is not a career” and that he “long[ed] for a day where instead of having people to go to Washington for 20 and 30 years who get elected and then when they lose office they stay there and make money as lobbyists or connecting to businesses, I think it stinks.” Gingrich claimed the only reason Romney wasn’t serving in the Senate was because he ran against Democrat Ted Kennedy in 1994 and lost.

The new website from the Gingrich campaign includes a nearly three-minute video featuring a Baloney-O-Meter that tilts wildly when Romney makes statements about being a true and consistent conservative.

But the ad metes out some baloney of its own.

For example, the video states: “As governor, Mitt used taxpayer funds to pay for abortions and gave Planned Parenthood power over Massachusetts healthcare.” We dealt with that claim above.

The ad also states that “Mitt Romney raised taxes and fees $700 million. After pledging not to.” The video then cuts to a clip of Romney on “Meet the Press” saying, “I’m not trying to hide the fact that we raised fees.” Text in the ad then states, “Including on guns and people who are blind.”

Let’s start with the video’s claim that “Mitt Romney raised taxes and fees $700 million.” The video cleverly groups “taxes and fees” to sidestep the debate about whether they are synonymous. Technically, Romney never raised personal income taxes, but he did increase fees by hundreds of thousands of dollars, and he also closed loopholes on some corporate taxes (a fact we have noted whenever Romney has claimed he did not raise taxes as governor).

When John McCain cited an identical $700 million figure in the 2008 Republican presidential race, we noted that there is disagreement over that amount, with the state Department of Administration and Finance putting the fee total at $260 million a year and the corporate tax change at $174 million a year, and the independent Massachusetts Taxpayers Foundation saying both fees and taxes totaled $740 million to $750 million a year.

As for the claim that Gov. Romney raised fees “on gun owners and people who are blind,” it’s true that in 2003 Romney put forth a fiscal year 2004 budget proposal that included fees on both. But some context is in order.

Romney’s proposed budget sought to raise firearm license fees from $25 to $75. However, the Democratic-controlled Legislature decided to raise those fees even higher, to $100 (see Section 34 of Chapter 140). That burden was eased a bit the following year when the term of a license was increased from four to six years.

As for fees on blind people, it’s true that Romney’s budget proposal called for a new $10 fee for a certificate of blindness from the state (used by blind people for tax purposes and to avail themselves of some government services) and another $15 fee for photo identification cards for the blind, which can be used to get free access to public transportation. Together, the fees were projected to bring the state $114,000 in FY 2004. But the Democratic state Legislature rejected those fees, so they never came to pass.

“In Massachusetts, the governor can only propose a budget, the legislature has to appropriate the budget,” explained Bob Hachey, president of Bay State Council of the Blind. “The governor on his own can’t institute something like that.”

“Gingrich is on the right path, but he went a little too far,” Hachey said. “He is correct in the sense that Romney tried to use these fees as a way to say, ‘I did not raise taxes.’ But that one never actually happened.”

Romney spokesman Eric Fehrnstrom has argued that Gov. Romney faced a $3 billion deficit when he took office, and that “he balanced the budget primarily through spending cuts and reforms. Fee increases accounted for approximately 10 percent of the solution, and they were not broad-based by any means.”

At one Republican debate in 2008, Romney said the fees needed to be adjusted for inflation and to cover the cost of services, but Massachusetts Taxpayers Foundation President Michael Widmer told us then that the increase “wasn’t tied to any analysis of the cost of delivering those services” and the group characterized those fees as “far in excess of any reasonable measure of the cost of services.”

The Gingrich video also calls out Romney for claiming in the “Meet the Press” debate that he hadn’t seen a pro-Romney super PAC’s ads attacking Gingrich, and then a few seconds later, describing them.

Romney, Jan. 8: And with regards to their ads, I haven’t seen them.

Then a little bit later, he did, in fact, go on to describe one of the ads.

Romney, Jan. 8: But let me tell you this. The– the ad I saw said that– that you’d been forced out of the speakership. That was correct. It said that– that you’d sat down with Nancy Pelosi and– and argued for– for a climate change bill. That was correct. It said that you’d called the– the– Ron Paul– wrong Paul. Paul Ryan’s plan to– to provide– Medicare reform– a right-wing social engineering plan. It said that– that as part of an investigation, an ethics investigation that you had to reimburse some $300,000. Those things are all true.

If there was something related to abortion that it said that was wrong, I hope they pull it out. Anything wrong, I’m opposed to. But, you know, this ain’t– this ain’t a bean bag. We’re gonna come into a campaign. We’re gonna describe the differences between us.

Gingrich claimed The Washington Post Fact Checker had found “virtually nothing accurate” in one of the ads from pro-Romney super PAC Restore Our Future. Romney, as we highlighted earlier, ticked off a number of statements from the ad that he said were true.

We concluded that Romney was mostly correct about the ad statements he mentioned, and Gingrich was wrong. We noted that in our fact-check of the ad, we found it had a few false and misleading claims, but also many were accurate, as Romney said.

– by Lori Robertson and Robert Farley

Sources

Ebbert, Stephanie. “Romney Signs Bill on Family Planning.” Boston Globe. 15 Oct 2005.

Massachusetts Commonwealth Connector. “About the Connector: Overview.” www.MAHealthConnector.org, 6 Dec. 2007.

Haslmaier, Edmund F. “The Massachusetts Health Reform: Assessing its Significance and Progress.” 21 Sep. 2007.

Hyman, David A. “The Massachusetts Health Plan: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly.” 28 Jun. 2007.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Session Laws, Acts 2003, Chapter 140: An Act Making Appropriations for Fiscal Year 2004.

Gov. Mitt Romney’s Budget Recommendation FY 2004. Executive Office for Health and Human Services. Fees from Certificate of Blindness and Photo ID Cards for Blind Services. Accessed via Internet Archives Wayback Machine.

FactCheck.org interview with Bob Hachey, president of Bay State Council of the Blind. 10 Jan 2012.

FactCheck.org interview with Anne Fox, president of Massachusetts Citizens for Life. 11 Jan 2012.

LeBlanc, Steve. “Romney oversaw millions in fee hikes as Massachusetts governor.” Associated Press. 28 Aug 2007.

Moody, Chris. “Gingrich’s latest Romney slam: He taxed the blind.” Yahoo News, The Ticket. 07 Jan 2012.

Kahn, Ric. “State Fees Resemble Taxes to Those Who’ll Pay.” The Boston Globe. 29 May 2003.

Landrigan, Kevin. “Taxing Matter.” Nashua Telegraph. 13 Dec 2007.

Planned Parenthood. The Abortion Pill (Medication Abortion). accessed 11 Jan 2012.

National Right to Life Committee. RU486: The Pill, The Process, The Problems. accessed 11 Jan 2012.

Kaiser Family Foundation. Women’s Health Policy Facts. Emergency Contraception. Nov 2005.

Harris, Gardiner. “Plan to Widen Availability of Morning-After Pill Is Rejected.” New York Times. 7 Dec 2011.

Associated Press. “Mississippi Defeats Life at Conception Ballot Initiative.” 8 Nov 2011.

Kaiser Family Foundation. “State Medicaid Coverage of Family Planning Services: Summary of State Survey Findings.” Nov 2009.

Massachusetts Legislature, general laws. Chapter 58 of the Acts of 2006. Section 3 (Part 4): MassHealth Payment Advisory Board. Blue Cross Blue Shield Foundation of Massachusetts. accessed 11 Jan 2012.

Planned Parenthood of Massachusetts v. Attorney General, 424 Mass. 586, 677 N.E.2d 101 (1997).

Jones, Rachel K. and Kathryn Kooistra. Abortion Incidence and Access to Services In the United States, 2008. Guttmacher Institute. Mar 2011.

Klein, Rick and Jake Tapper. “Romney’s Pro-Life Conversion: Myth or Reality?” ABCNews.com. 14 Jun 2007.

Helman, Scott. “Romney says no hospitals are exempt from pill law; He reverses stand on Plan B.” Boston Globe. 9 Dec 2005.

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Keeping both sides honest

Red White and Blue Fund

Political leanings: Republican/Pro-Santorum Super PAC

Spending target: Undisclosed

The Red White and Blue Fund is a “super PAC” formed in October 2011 to support Rick Santorum’s candidacy.

The PAC, which can raise unlimited amounts of money, was started by Iowa political consultant Nick Ryan, a longtime political adviser to former Iowa Rep. Jim Nussle. Ryan is chairman of Team Iowa PAC, a statewide political action committee, and was a founder of the conservative American Future Fund, a national 501(c)(4) that got involved in the 2010 midterm congressional elections. The spokesman of the Red White and Blue Fund is Stuart Roy, a former communications director at the National Republican Senatorial Committee.

RWB, as the group also calls itself, has spent far less than super PACs supporting other Republican presidential candidates in the early stages of the nomination process. It purchased air time in Iowa and South Carolina, for example, but not in New Hampshire. As of Dec. 29, RWB reported it had spent a little more than $200,000, although an ad tracking service said that as of Jan. 10, the group had spent nearly $700,000. That’s still well short of the millions being raised and spent by Restore Our Future, Make Us Great Again, and Winning Our Future.

The group has yet to disclose its donors and will not have to do so until Jan. 31. However, Foster Freiss, a Wyoming-based investment banker, is among the group’s contributors. He told NBC News that he is a major backer of the Red White and Blue Fund, although he declined to disclose how much he has given. In a biography on his company website, the self-described born-again Christian said he is also a “major investor in the Daily Caller,” a website launched by conservative political commentator Tucker Carlson. The Columbia Journalism Review reported that Freiss invested $3 million in the Daily Caller.

The treasurer of the Red White and Blue Fund is Christopher M. Marston, who held top positions in the George W. Bush administration as assistant secretary for management at the Education Department and chief of staff at the Office of National Drug Control Policy. He also was an aide to then-Rep. Rob Portman of Ohio and then-Gov. Bob Taft of Ohio. Marston is now a principal partner in Election CFO, a compliance consulting company. His wife, Michelle, was once chief of staff to Rep. Michele Bachmann, who dropped her bid for the GOP presidential nomination after finishing sixth in the Iowa caucuses.

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Santa Rita Super PAC

Political leanings: Republican/Pro-Ron Paul Super PAC

Spending target: Undisclosed

Santa Rita Super PAC is a pro-Ron Paul political action committee created by Donald Huffines, a Paul donor and fundraiser.

The Dallas-based land developer co-owns a Catholic radio station in the Washington, D.C.,  area and has contributed to Republicans running for House and Senate seats in states including Texas, Nevada and New Mexico. Huffines shares Paul’s view of limited government and lower taxes. “Imagine what it would be like if we had no income tax in the country?” Huffines told CNNMoney in 2008. “I don’t think anyone would do more for business — small or large — than Ron Paul. He would eliminate the role of government in our business lives, and the GDP growth of the country would skyrocket as a result.”

Santa Rita first registered with the Federal Election Commission on Jan. 4. Huffines is listed as the PAC’s president and treasurer. He co-owns Huffines Communities, a Dallas-based real estate company that builds planned communities. The group can raise unlimited amounts of money, but it will have to report its donors. Huffines declined to tell us how much he and others have contributed to his PAC.

As of January 2011, Huffines has made $63,664 in individual contributions to various Republican campaigns, according to the FEC’s online contribution database. Some of those campaigns were not without controversy.

In February 2010, Huffines donated $2,400 to the campaign of Republican Stephen Broden, a Dallas pastor who unsuccessfully ran for Texas’ 30th congressional district seat. A month before the election, Broden said in a TV interview that a violent overthrow of the government is “on the table” if the midterm congressional elections don’t produce a change in leadership.

Santa Rita has produced TV ads in support of Paul, primarily in South Carolina, but so far it has spent far less than PACs supporting other GOP presidential candidates. After South Carolina, Santa Rita says it plans to run ads in Nevada, Alaska, Maine, Wyoming, North Dakota and South Dakota to “spread Dr. Paul’s message of Liberty and Constitutional Limited Government.”

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